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Abstract

Insurgence is an act of violence that involves attack on human lives and properties. Since 
the democratic rule of government in Nigeria since 1999, the country has had to deal with 
huge cases of insurgency. In the same vein, lot of lives have been lost and properties 
destroyed in countless numbers, leaving the democracy of the country in jeopardy. Hence, 
this paper explored what it means for a country to be democratic, and how Nigeria's 
democracy has been vulnerable to the point that insurgency has thrived for many years. It 
adopted the Frustration-Aggression Theory as its analytical frameworks. The 
Frustration-Aggression theory postulates that “aggression is always a consequence of 
frustration, and that the occurrence of aggressive behaviour always presupposes the 
existence of frustration and, contrariwise, that the existence of frustration often leads to 
some form of aggression.” The paper also sampled the work of other researchers, 
carefully analysing them and trying to strike a balance through their opinions and 
submissions. It found that the impacts of insurgency on Nigeria's democracy are 
numerous and mind-boggling, and therefore examined a few of them. By way of 
recommendation, it urges government to do the needful and provide adequate security 
system to its citizens. Critical method of research was used.

Keywords: Insurgency, Democracy, Nigeria, Security, Nigerians, Properties.

Introduction
Today, democracy has become a familiar name throughout the breadth and depth of all liberal and 
less liberal societies worldwide. The idea has gained popularity in part because it is thought to be 
essential for the body polity's growth, development, and sustainability as opposed to a military 
autocracy. The idea of democracy is, therefore, similar to the interests, goals, and common 
demands for change of the populace. In any political situation, the ethos of democracy emphasizes 
the overall benefits that the populace will derive from the system, making any opposite activities 
that do not adhere to its ideals and philosophies strongly discouraged and potentially harmful.“ 
The concept was based on the maxim contained in the American Declaration of 
Independence from British rule that all men are created equal, and they are endowed with 
certain inalienable right by their creator” (Joseph, 2011:246). In the light of this, 
government is there to protect these rights, thus it must get its authority from the people it 
is supposed to be protecting. That means that the general public's viewpoint is of utmost 
importance in governance and so acts as a driving force in the operations of a free state in a 
democratic setting.
Since Nigeria reinstated democracy in 1999, her socio-political existence has been marked by one 
insurgency or another, from the numerous ethnic militias, bloody armed robberies, Niger Delta 

IMPACTS OF INSURGENCY ON NIGERIA'S DEMOCRACY

EMMANUEL UGBEDEOJO AMEH, PhD
DEPARTMENT OF PEACE STUDIES AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION,

 NATIONAL OPEN UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, ABUJA.



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militants, to the most current Boko Haram uprising. The adverse effects of these insurgencies 
have been the loss of lives of innocent citizens and loss of properties whose values goes in billions. 
Contrary to the principles of democracy which include human liberty, equality, rule of law, 
fundamental human right, priority of common good etc, Nigeria is currently faced with high level 
of poverty, corruption and dishonesty especially on the side of the politicians, electoral 
malpractices, lack of judicial independence etc (Umezurike, 2017:99).
In describing the way democracy is perceived in Nigeria, Umar Ado (2015) puts it this way:

The polarization and great disparity of wealth amongst citizens, the overt 
and insensitive corruption by public servants, the increasing widespread of 
poverty and deprivation within the vast majority of the people, the extreme 
forms of election frauds by incumbent leaders etc., the relation between the 
government and the governed invariably have to come under severe stress 
as it turned out to be, because our local civic cultures are unable to withstand 
the stresses and strains of these economic and political pressures, these 
naturally breed disappointment, despair and instability it then takes a little 
for civil resistance to go virulent. Here then lies the proper explanation of 
the vicious insurgencies.

The insurgencies that are threatening Nigeria's corporate existence are thought to be the result of 
Nigeria's failed democratic system, which is exemplified by the country's unresponsive political 
leadership, widespread institutional corruption, electoral fraud, absence of the rule of law, lack of 
popular sovereignty, etc. Olamilekan (2014:362), in his analysis of the issues ravaging Nigeria 
argued that “the political atmosphere in the country has always encouraged conflicts in the form 
of political violence, communal clashes and ethnic-religious crisis, and the latest of which is Boko 
Haram insurgent attacks on public places such as schools, churches, mosques, market places, 
government and military installations.”
Muzan (2014) opined that the insurgency in northern Nigeria appears to be an outlier among 
all these security issues and has been gaining power, sophistication, and most 
significantly, has become highly frightening and tough to combat.In a nutshell, if the threat 
posed by terrorism is not adequately addressed, the nation is on the verge of a terrible precipice.

Conceptual Clarification
The concept of insurgency remains the same, though several scholars at different time has 
postulated diverse definition. While some of these definitions corroborate one another, some 
contradicts them, making the concept a lot broader. As Moore (2007:2) has rightly put it, “the term 
insurgency has been used interchangeably, though, not completely correctly with the terms 
warfare, unconventional warfare, revolutionary and even terrorism.” In his argument, he stated 
that given the variety of ways that insurgency is being utilized to express disapproval of 
government policies and programs or to further egotistical and religious ideas, the 
interchangeability of notions in attempts to create a precise explanation of the phrase insurgency 
is comprehensible.

Abdu and Shehu (2019) have observed insurgency as an insurrection against a legitimate 
authority, whether done so for self-serving or political reasons. Abolurin (as cited in Abdu 
and Shehu, 2019:10) described insurgency “as a revolt, revolution, riot, rebellion and 
mutiny.”Inferentially, persons who commit rebellious activities are members of insurgent 
groups which are engaged in insurgency. The United States Department of Defence, DOD 
(as cited by Ukpong-Umo, 2016) gave the definition of insurgency as “an organised 
movement which its aim is to overthrow a constituted authority or government through 

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the use of subversion or armed conflict.”Pustay's (1965) understanding of insurgency is a 
reinforced conflict phenomenon that can grow from coercion through the different phases 
of outright defiance by small armed groups to final completion in civil war.

In the words of O'Neill (2005), “insurgency is a struggle between a non-ruling group and 
the ruling authorities in which the non-ruling group consciously uses political resources 
and violence to destroy, reformulate, or sustain the basis of one or more aspects of 
politics.” In corroboration to this assertion, Chalk, et al. (2001) pointed out that “certain 
conditions can transform a dissatisfied future of the population into an insurgency, people 
resist because of the government (or occupying power) or unwillingness to meet the 
legitimate needs of the population, the lack of government or occupying power and 
control can be real or perceived.”

From another worldview, Bernard, (2005) explained “that insurgency is the state of fear 
or anxiety stemming from a concrete or alleged lack of protection.” This essentially refers 
to the lack of liberty from fear and attack. While many scholars have linked insurgency to 
terrorism, some of them have argued that both terms are in fact different, though citing the 
close link between them. For instance, Curta and Liolio (as cited by Amalu, 2015:36) 
argued that although some insurgent groups have used some of these tactics to achieve 
their objectives, insurgency is neither terrorism, subversion, guerrilla war, conventional 
war, revolution, or coup d'état.

In the same spirit, Hassan (2014) postulated that since insurgency is often viewed as a 
form of political conflict rather than a military conflict, a purely military response is not 
an option without resorting to levels of violence that are intolerable in the modern world. 
He further went ahead to elaborate that since terrorism has been the rebels' primary and 
most-used tactic, conflating the terms "insurgency" and "terrorist" is not entirely 
incorrect.MCAllister (1989) carefully outlined that “terrorism is the most commonly 
adopted strategy and it involves the adoption of some methods such as bombing, 
kidnapping and abduction.” Murtala (2014) surmised it when he said that “insurgency is a 
premeditated, politically, economically or religious motivated violence perpetrated 
against the state or a regime by an aggrieved group, usually intended to influence 
audience.”
Democracy, meanwhile, according to Bratton (2007) and Joseph (1997), “is concerned 
with freedom, equality, participation and consent in politics or governance.” The 
anecdote of democracy, of course, covers more ground than the postulation of Bratton and 
Joseph. Other “scholars of democracy in plural societies provide influential justification 
which puts democracy ahead of all other forms of government” (Lijphart, 1977).
Diamond (2005:1) defined democracy “as a system of government that allows the people 
to choose their leaders and representatives, and can replace them at regular, free and fair 
elections.” While Joseph (1997) argued “that democracy has been largely 'infertile' in 
Africa”, the bottom line is that Africa is actively practicing democracy whereby power is 
given to the people. “Democracy ought to promote good governance which is 
participatory, consensus oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective, 
efficient, equitable, inclusive and follows the rule of law” (UNESCO, 2005).
Appodorai (1974) defined “democracy as the system, either of government under which 
the people exercise governmental power directly or indirectly through representatives 

E.U. Ameh              Impacts Of Insurgency On Nigeria's Democracy



elected by them.” The people exercise their power mostly during election, where they 
have the opportunity of deciding for themselves the people they prefer to represent them. 
According to Alikpi (2004:130) “election is the barometer to measure the political 
maturity, health, legitimacy and stability of a democratic governance. It is generally held 
to be the single most important indicator of the presence or absence of democratic 
governance.” Okolie (2005) added that “elections are the processes of selecting the 
officers or representatives of an organization and groups by votes of its qualified 
members.” Furthermore, he opined that “as a political phenomenon, elections are 
institutionalized procedures for choosing political office holders by the electorates of a 
country.” Paki (2006)elaborated more on the subject matter when he observed that the 
“process no doubt allows for the opportunity to vote in credible men and women of both 
timber and calibre, who will be expected to pilot the affairs of governance within a 
specified record of time before the next round of elections.

Theoretical Framework
In light of the topic's importance, the paper uses the Frustration-Aggression Theory as its 
analytical underpinning. Coined by Fererabend and Feirauben in 1972, “the major 
assumption of the model is that aggression is always a consequence of frustration, and 
that the occurrence of aggressive behaviour always presupposes the existence of 
frustration and, contrariwise, that the existence of frustration always leads to some form 
of aggression.”
Aggressive behaviour, which is a consequence of problems like poverty and 
unemployment among others, leads to insurgencies. This clearly addressed the 
underlying problem behind why certain people might consider insurgency instead of 
being law-abiding citizens.
Meanwhile, Berkowitz (1989) argued that “aggression can be driven by inherent personal 
benefits to the aggressor and not necessarily by past wrongdoings and that people are 
more akin to attack when they discover that they are wilfully sabotaged or denied what it's 
legitimately theirs than when the interference is an accidental occurrence.”  He surmised 
that “frustrations are aversive events and generate aggressive inclinations only to the 
extent that they produce negative effects.”
Furthermore, Adeniyi and Rosenje (2021) opined that “the increasing attacks of bandits 
across the country, most especially in the northwest region, are largely driven by 
frustrations and struggles to generate economic assets.” Uche and Iwuamadi (2018) 
corroborated this opinion by adding that “the alarming acts of banditry such as cattle 
rustling, kidnapping, physical attacks and encroachments on farms are bred by 
frustrations.” 

The Nigerian Democratic System
In political theory, the majority of researchers concur that democracy is defined as 
inclusive, collective (or at least largely acknowledged) will establishment and decision-
making that aims for political accessibility, in the sense of effectively transforming 
citizens' priorities into policies and effects, while preserving political rights and liberties 
through boundaries of the people's will (Warren 2017). This concept seems vague and 
offers no clear guidance as to how individuals are supposed to rule, which is essentially 
the outlook of democracy that addresses curiosity. As a result, the rule of law, as reflected 

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in a nation state's political structures, must be connected to the fundamental idea of 
democracy. Linz (1997, p. 120) captured it succinctly when he asserted that, “No state… 
no democracy.” His idea basically revolves around the establishment of a thriving state 
before the implementation of democracy.

Democracy has been attributed to a lot of factors, among which is economic 
development. In the words of Sen (1983), “economic development is the sustained, 
concerted actions of policy makers and communities that promote the standard of living 
and economic health of a people.” Actions like that, when carried out appropriately, can 
trigger enormous human resources, which could invariably result in the development of 
important infrastructure and global identification of a state. Sen went further and 
described economic growth “as an aspect of the process of economic development.” 
Przeworski et al (2006), also admitted that “economic development either increases 
chances for a transition to democracy or helps newly established democracies to 
consolidate.”
According to Przeworski et al (2006), “wealth also correlates with education as a factor of 
economic development. According to them, a poorly educated and illiterate population 
may elect populist politicians who on election abandon democracy and become dictators 
even where there were free and fair elections.”
The question of the role that civil society play in democratization definitely need to be answered, 
after all, democracy has been ascribed to be the “government of the people”. Zaleski (2008) 
observed that “the relationship between civil society and democratic political society, dates back 
to the early classical liberal writings of Alexis de Tocqueville.” Almond and Verba (1989), 
however, suggestively developed by 20th century theorists when they identified the role of hands-
on culture in a democratic instruction as vivacious.

These theories contended that the political components of political organizations 
encourage more awareness and better-informed citizens who, as a result, cast better 
ballots, engage in politics, and hold the government more accountable. Putnam, et al (1994) 
in their support of the notion “state that non-political organisations in civil societies are vital for 
democracy.” However, the effectiveness of the civil society in democracy is being questioned by 
some researchers. For instance, Agnew (2002) and Zaleski (2006) are of the standpoint that civil 
society players have now attained an impressive degree of political influence without 
participating in elections or being given political portfolios.
This kind of system is prevalent especially in Nigeria's democratic system. According to Ajayi 
and Ojo (2014) “the irreducible fact seems to be that the promotion of the welfare of the masses is 
neither the primary preoccupation nor the cardinal objective of the anchors of Nigeria's 
democracy.” They added that in some parts of Nigeria, power supply is practically non-existent, 
potable water is scarce, healthcare facilities are either completely non-existent or in utter disarray, 
and hundreds of people perish in motor vehicle accidents each year as a result of the country's 
horrendously inadequate road systems. This would seem like a paradox, considering the fact that 
Nigeria runs a political system that is ascribed to “the people”.
Adelakun (2013) expressed himself regarding the Nigerian democracy system through his words 
when he cried out that:

“Today, Nigeria is literally bleeding. There is too much violence. We have bred 
enough Frankenstein monsters to haunt us. We feed them red meat each time they 
cry for blood. Those who are not killed by Boko Haram are killed by the Joint 
Task Force. Those who escape the JTF fall into the hands of mind-bending 

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illiteracy. Those who manage to escape all those are consumed by road accidents. 
Some die in poorly equipped hospitals. Those lucky to bypass all of the above are 
either killed by hunger, poverty, or frustration practically turns them to the living 
dead. It is the curse of Cain. The earth antagonises people who needlessly shed 
blood. Recently, multiple road accidents claimed almost 100 lives. In a country 
where life counts, that should have led to a major social change. Sadly, not even a 
paragraph of official response came from the government, not even the local 
government chairmen of the areas the accidents happened. Unfortunately, the 
government aides who explain away these deaths are the same ones who rush to 
Twitter to console President Barack Obama over the Boston bombing. They are 
not their own brother's keepers because their brother's life is worthless.”

It can therefore be inferred that though democracy is meant to ascribe power to the 
people, rather than the few elites, in Nigeria, the exact opposite is the case, thereby 
rendering itself of a weak kind of democracy. As a result of this weakness, insurgency has 
found a loophole and infiltrate its democracy, greatly affecting the socio-economic 
activity of the people, as well as taking several lives and properties.

The Impacts of Insurgency 
The causes of insurgency in Nigeria range among many factors. One of the major 
insurgent bodies that has, for a long time, terrorize the country is the Boko Haram 
Insurgence. As Igbini (2020) rightly put it, the Boko Haram insurgency in northern 
Nigeria has been the most hostile and dangerous threat to Nigerian people and security 
personnel since the return to democratic governance. The systematic approach of the 
insurgent bodies in carrying out attacks on unsuspecting Nigerians is daily gaining 
momentum. Igbini (2020) lamented that since the rise of these groups in the country, 
insurgency in all of its forms, whether from Boko Haram, banditry and herders' attacks, or 
militancy both in the northern and southern areas of the country, has put the safety of lives 
and properties and the future of Nigeria in grave danger.
In the same vein, the effects of this insurgency have had both short- and long-lasting effects on the 
country. Some of those impacts are discussed below:

Loss of Lives and Properties
The development and gradual spread of insurgency has, over time, led to loss of lives and 
properties in huge number. For instance, Nwanegbo and Odigbo (2013) stated that “between July 
27, 2009 and February 17, 2012, Boko Haram has launched fifty (53) attacks in which 1,157 
people were killed and hundreds of people injured in northern Nigeria.” These numbers are 
mostly speculated as it is difficult to ascertain the specific number involved in terms of lives lost 
and properties destroyed. (Ahokegh, 2013). 

Crisis Group Africa Report (2014) highlighted that “the attacks increased during the first months 
of 2014, with almost daily bombings, fighting, thefts and destruction of schools, homes and 
businesses.” Amnesty International meanwhile recorded that “at least 1,500 people were killed in 
that period.” Gilbert (2014: 152) meanwhile stated that “it is on record that Boko Haram has killed 
over 2,000 persons in 2014 alone and is responsible for more than 12,000 deaths and over 8,000 
maimed persons since it started it's murderous campaign of insurgency”. While the numbers vary 
from one scholar to another, the one thing they all have in common is that insurgency has led to 
loss of lives and properties in a country that practice democracy, which one of its core tenets is the 
protection of lives and properties. It would be an understatement to assert that the situation is 
indeed paradoxical.

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Socio-Economic Degradation
Another negative effect of the prevalence of insurgency in Nigeria is the massive disruption of 
economic activities. The Guardian (2012) reported that “the insurgents have destroyed more than 
twenty-five telecommunication masts and base stations in Maiduguri, Potiskum, Bauchi, Gombe 
and Kano states, thus setting back efforts to improve telecommunications in the region.” Other 
economic activities have been suspended or completely halted as a result of insurgency. Many 
farmlands have been destroyed and animals rustled, thereby completely crumbling the economic 
activities in the affected regions. Isakpa (2011) has rightly put it that “there can be no real progress 
made in any economy that is hostile to security”.

Decline in Investment Opportunities
It is difficult for a country that is often disturbed by insurgency to witness the influx of foreign 
investment. Due to Nigeria's inability to eradicate this menace, there has been rapid decline in 
foreign investments. This contributes largely to the setback in economic activities, since the 
organizations that are supposed to invest in the country are stepping back in order to protect their 
lives, properties, and investments.

Low Enrolment of the Girl-Child in Education
The aftermath of the abduction of the 276 Chibok school students, all of which are girls, in 2014 

th
(Shaibu et al., 2015), in addition to the incident of 19  February 2018 when hundreds of girls were 
abducted from Dapchi Government Girls' Science and Technical College, Yobe State (Sahara 
Reporter, 2018; Aljazeera News, 2018) has led to the degradation of the school system. As a result 
of the fear of the recurrence of these events, the enrolment of the girl-child in school has dropped 
drastically. UNICEF (as cited by Adepelumi 2018) estimate holds that  it is difficult for students to 
receive a proper education during this time, as evidenced by the destruction of over 1,200 schools 
in Nigeria's northern and eastern regions, the denial of a secure learning environment to 319,000 
children, and the displacement of more than 1952,029 school-aged children. The implication of 
this is enormous. For one, since the educational output of the country is largely determined by its 
input, and as a result of insurgency, the input has greatly been affected, the output would 
invariably be drastically affected. From another perspective, since the gender suffering from this 
is the female, it means that female participation in both political and economic discourse is largely 
affected since they have been deprived of the foundation that would take them to such spotlight. 
Bilyaminu, Iya and Purokayo (2017) corroborated this when they expressed themselves that 
through low enrolment, low attendance, and poor school facilities, the Boko Haram insurgency 
has negatively impacted human capital investment and undermined the country's educational 
standards.
Recommendations
The restoration of Nigeria's democracy is important, and should be a priority. As a result, some 
steps have to be taken, and they have been suggested as thus:

1. The Nigerian government should prioritize National security by investing massively in 
the security system of the country in order to creatively combat these insurgent bodies 
and restore the glory of the country's democratic system.

2. Government needs to also provide adequate job opportunities for the youth, as majority 
of them that are being recruited are often promised future rewards by these insurgent 
bodies. However, when the youths are adequately engaged, they would be automatically 
unavailable for insurgent recruitment.

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3. The security system of Nigeria is advised to collaborate with the people, since this is a 
democratic system, which means that the people have the bulk of the power in their 
hands, the system can therefore leverage on the power of the people in order to carry out 
its responsibility, which is the protection of lives and properties.

Conclusion
Nigeria's democracy has been in jeopardy for years, as a result of the development of insurgent 
bodies like the Boko Haram. Since its transition to democracy in 1999, each government 
administration has had to deal with one or more insurgent activities. During the first 
administration, which was led by President Olusegun Obasanjo, the Niger-Delta Militant group 
was a cause for concern, as they agitate and destroy the countries pipeline in order to be heard. 
This would mark the beginning, as the Boko Haram insurgent rose up in 2009, and started 
bombing innocent citizens mostly at public places. Since then, though the Boko Haram is yet to be 
subdued, other insurgent bodies have as well risen. As a result, the Nigerian democracy is 
seriously under threat as these insurgent bodies seem to thrive and often get away with their evil 
deeds. The most recent of the insurgencies labelled Fulani Herdsmen, have wreak untold havoc, 
especially in the northern region of the country. They mostly invade villages and turn them to 
slaughter house, murdering countless people, including children and the aged. In addition, 
another group called unknown gunmen have adopted similar strategy, invading places with arms 
and ammunitions, and shooting sporadically at citizens. The evildoings of these people have led to 
Nigeria suffering great decline in foreign investment, which has invariably resulted to increase in 
unemployment and of course, low economic activities.

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